Speaker: Danny Fox (MIT), presenting joint work with Kyle Johnson (UMass)
Date & Time: Friday, October 23rd at 3:30 pm
Place: ARTS Bldg. room 260
Title: Quantifier Raising as Restrictor Sharing – Evidence from Hydra and Extaposition with Split Antecedents


The goals of this talk are the following:

  • To provide an account of Hydra (Every boy and (every) girl who like each other should have a play date) and Extraposition with Split Antecedents (ESA, A boy came in and a girl left who like each other), along the lines of Zhang 2007.
  • To explain how the account argues for the following conclusions (Johnson 2011):

a.     Quantifier Raising involves movement not of a QP but of the quantifiers restrictor. More specifically:

1.     Quantifier words are covert and “late merged” in the QPs scope position

2.     Quantifier words are morphologically realized on lower heads in the QP.

b.     This should be embedded in a theory in which a moved constituent has more than one mother (multi-dominance).

  • To provide a semantics for the lower hosting head (inspired by Champollion 2015).